In January 2006, Harris Miller, a millionaire and former technology lobbyist, stepped into the ring as the Democratic candidate, and, according to the Washington Post’s Virginia Report, let the invectives fly. He quickly capitalized on Allen’s allegiance to the Bush administration by calling for an end to corruption in Washington, and shaped the tone of the campaign by sponsoring an online “Where’s Allen?” video making fun of Allen’s national tour away from his own state of Virginia, aimed at garnering the presidency in 2008. In many ways, Miller was predictably liberal.

It was James Webb who was the wild card.

In February, Webb arrived to challenge Miller in the primary for the chance to unseat Allen. “The reason Webb won the primary,” said Reverend Joe Ellison, a friend and supporter of Allen’s, “is because a lot of people didn’t vote that time. Nobody thought he’d win.”

But Webb did win, and a door cracked open.

Across America, Democrats were feeling the thunder. Disenchantment with Bush was bringing Democratic candidates across the country within a stone’s throw of victory.

But Webb was no sure thing. Where Miller had been easy to characterize, Webb was not. He did not neatly fit the role of Democrat. A lifelong Marine well versed in weaponry who is against the war in Iraq, Webb served as the former Assistant Secretary of Defense for Reserve Affairs under President Reagan. Webb had once been a Republican, prompting conservatives like Ellison to refer to him as a “turncoat”.

At first Webb didn’t seem much of a threat. Through the summer Allen still held a five to six point lead in the polls as the public tried to sort Webb out, including his disavowal of affirmative action, which Webb sees as a form of reverse discrimination that should not be for African-Americans alone. As an author whose books were made into movies in Hollywood, Webb was also painted by conservatives as a man out of touch with everyday Virginians. By July, though the campaign was in full swing and taking on a hostile tone that tired some observers, it still seemed Allen had little to worry about.

Then came macaca.

Nestled comfortably amid predominantly white supporters in a interstate park in conservative south Virginia on Aug. 11th, Allen used the racial slur macaca to describe an East Indian member of Webb’s campaign who was filming Allen from the audience. Allen took it a step further by subsequently welcoming the lifelong Virginian, whose name is S.R. Siddarth, to America, thereby sharpening national focus on a Senate race that might win Democrats a loftier goal: control of the Senate itself.

For Jagdish Singh, a member of the Virginia Governors Human Rights Council, the polarization Allen’s comments caused was summed up by the button she saw on a young man at a protest she attended against Allen in Richmond, Virginia.

The button read; “Allen is a racist; All Macaca for Webb.”

Suddenly the nation’s eyes were on Virginia, and looking hard, a microcosm of the national zeitgeist emerged before the eyes of a stunned public, encompassing issues dogging the nation throughout 2006, including race, immigration, even gay marriage.

In another year, Allen’s blunder might have provided an opening for dialogue.

“It is an opportunity for many people to learn that the color of a person’s skin or their last name does not mean that they have just arrived here,” said Beatriz Amberman, president of Virginia’s Hispanic Community Dialogue.

But in a year with the Senate at stake, it was an opportunity to crown a king.

On Allen’s side, one African-American clergyman after another came out in support of the conservative senator, citing his track record supporting black historical colleges during his tenure. The Rev. Ellison was one of the men who came forward to defend the candidate. “I don’t care if he ever said the N-word,” Ellison said. “The N-word is being said every day. I’m not so thin-skinned. I have called people cracker and honky. We need to move on.”

But Singh, an East Indian who admits she is an ardent Democrat, felt differently. Singh said that while Allen had commanded her and other people’s respect in the past, when he made the “macaca” comment, he lost all of it.

Singh was also disappointed in the rush to relieve Allen of his responsibility for what Singh describes as racism that, for Allen, is not a one-time event.

“The sad thing is, a lot of our Indian community members say that African Americans are saying, ‘let’s put this behind us. Let’s support him,’ and this is very disappointing,” Singh said.

Over the past two months, Allen’s group of 15 clergymen has organized to act as a Allen’s support team. Members like Ellison say that Allen has shown he can be there for black people in Virginia through welfare reform and black farm programs implemented during his term.

But Ellison and other religious supporters admit they also support Allen because they are conservative Christians who feel strongly about Virginia’s proposed Marshall/Newman amendment to the state constitution. The amendment, which Allen supports, would define marriage as between one man and one woman.

“There has always been a certain segment of the black population who doesn’t support gay issues,” said Charley Conrad, President of Virginia’s Partisan Gay and Lesbian Democratic Club.

High-profile politicians have stepped into the fray on Webb’s side as well, hungry for the opportunity to change the national agenda. Illinois Senator Barack Obama appeared with and endorsed Webb, as did Richmond, Virginia’s politically unpredictable mayor(and former governor) L. Douglas Wilder.

It is difficult to say exactly how the macaca debacle and the ensuing rush of support will change the race. A SurveyUSA poll conducted this week shows Allen with 49 percent of the vote to Webb’s 46 percent. According to the poll, however, the decisive swing could come from independent voters. Compared to the previous SurveyUSA’s poll the October poll shows a 20 point swing toward Webb among independents.

If Webb is victorious, it may say as much about an Independent undercurrent turning toward Webb’s bipartisan character as it does about Allen’s racist moment.

While most African-Americans in Virginia vote Democrat, it may also be notable that the survey shows Webb leading Allen by 62 points among black voters, who make up approximately 14% of Virginia’s voting populace.

Whatever the turnout, it is certain that both Webb and Allen now feel the bright lights upon them as they are cast in roles that seemed unlikely nine months ago. As the great hopes of their parties they have joined the ranks of other candidates in political dramas across the country who may have resounding impact not just in their states, but in ways that will resonate around the world.