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Proposition 38, the initiative that would have created the nation's
largest school voucher program, was defeated yesterday by California
voters. With more than two-thirds of the state’s precincts
reporting in, 70 percent had voted against the initiative.
"California voters have rejected vouchers," said No On
Proposition 38 spokesperson Laurel Rayburn. "This is an indication
that not only is Proposition 38 harmful to our schools, but vouchers
are in general. Vouchers
are not an acceptable solution in California."
But Proposition 38 spokesperson Chris Bertelli said that regardless
of the outcome, the issue of parents having the ability to pull
their children out of a
failing public education system will continue.
The campaign for the voucher initiative, which was written by Redwood
City venture capitalist Tim Draper, was one of the costliest educational
battles in California history. Draper contributed more than $23
million of his own money to the voucher campaign.
"This is going to continue to be an issue among supporters
of school choice," said Bertelli. "Tim Draper has every
intention to fight for change
in the education system, but not necessarily with another voucher
initiative."
Proposition 38 would have offered parents a $4,000 state voucher
to send their children to private schools, regardless of family
income. Those already
enrolled in private schools would have been phased into the program
within four years.
If passed, Proposition 38 would have been the largest voucher program
in the country. Smaller programs exist in Cleveland, Milwaukee,
and Florida, but
are more limited in their qualification requirements.
School vouchers were not only a California issue this election,
but also a centerpiece of debate in Michigan. The Michigan school
voucher proposal, which would have offered $3,300 "opportunity
scholarships" to students in school districts with low graduation
rates, was also headed for defeat last night.
Early election
results showed 69 percent of Michigan voters opposing their state’s
voucher proposal.
Peter Schrag, a University of California at Berkeley visiting scholar
who has written extensively about education policy, predicted before
the election that both the Michigan and California school voucher
campaigns would lose. Schrag saidthe California voucher initiative
lost because it was too radical, did not target poor parents and
kids, and was a universal voucher.
"Nationally any appeal for vouchers is slim," said Schrag.
"I wouldn't think we would have another voucher initiative
in California for another six years. I don't see anybody trying
to do anything else for a while."
Schrag said that if the California public school system remains
in trouble, more voucher initiatives might appear on future ballots.
The financial impact of Proposition 38 on the state's public school
system was unclear. According to the state's Legislative Analyst's
Office, the fiscal repercussions to the state could have ranged
from a cost of $2 billion a year to a savings of $3 billion-depending
on how many students took advantage of the vouchers.
Furthermore, no one knew how much room would be available in private
schools to accommodate the influx of public school students or whether
those schools would have decided to participate in the voucher program.
It was also unclear whether $4,000 per student was enough money
to encourage new private schools.
While Catholic
parochial schools only charge about $2,600 in tuition in California,
they are heavily subsidized by the local dioceses and parent
contributions.
At many other
independent and college preparatory schools, the $4,000 would have
paid only a fraction of the tuition, which can reach as high as
$15,000 to $20,000 per year at the most elite schools.
The battle over Proposition 38 was anything but simple. The measure
had been fought by the state's largest teachers union, Vice President
and Democratic presidential nominee Al Gore, Governor Gray Davis
and many education groups in the state.
The opponents had history on their side. California voters rejected
a similar voucher initiative in 1993, defeating Proposition 174,
the "Education Vouchers Initiative."
Under Proposition
174 parents would have
been allowed to apply tax vouchers of $2,600 toward each child's
education in public, private or parochial school.
The measure
was rejected by 70 percent of voters and was defeated by a wide
margin, but it created the momentum that eventually led to this
year's controversial Proposition 38.
The voucher movement has gained political strength even though many
key issues remain unsolved, such as accountability for expenditure
of public money, the constitutionality of using public money for
religious schools, regulation of the schools, and equitable access.
The concept of school vouchers is nothing new. The notion of educational
vouchers originated in the early 1960s, when the conservative economist
Milton Friedman argued that vouchers would improve educational efficiency.
Friedman proposed privatizing government run schools, but the public
dismissed his plan as too radical.
Ronald Reagan brought the issue back into the public arena in the
1980s when he proposed that parents with children in private schools
receive tuition tax credits. His proposal, too, was unsuccessful.
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